------------------------------------------ -- EZ A SZÁM CSAK TEXT FORMÁBAN LÉTEZIK -- ------------------------------------------ Date: Sat, 30 Mar 91 05:26:22 EST Subject: *** FORUM *** #184 Tartalomjegyzek: ---------------- Felado : boros@ohstmvsa.ircc.ohio-state.edu Temakor : =magyar szakertok tanacskozasa=! Felado : csorna@phyv01.phy.vanderbilt.edu Temakor : III. Magyar tortenelem - Angol szempont: Horthy Miklos Felado : 72600.3046@compuserve.com Temakor : ...from the margins - media watch IV. =============================================== Felado : boros@ohstmvsa.ircc.ohio-state.edu Beerkezett: Thu Mar 28 09:03:05 EST 1991 Temakor : =magyar szakertok tanacskozasa=! - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - Regota (pontosabban azota, hogy az MSZM(P)-bol kilepett es megirta konnyekre fakaszto bucsulevelet) vartam, hogy Pozsgay neve mikor bukkan fel ujra a sajtoban egy uj part megalapitasaval kapcsolatban. Az alabbi hirdarabot a HIRMONDObol masoltam be es rogvest meg is kongatom a veszharangot avval, hogy itt valami keszul. Abban a meghato es "oszinte hangu" bucsulevelben Pozsgay meg azt igerte, hogy most egy hosszabb pihenot tart. Ugy latszik viszont, hogy o sem birja hosszabb ideig a hatalombol valo kirekesztettseget, a regeneralodashoz igy par honap is elegendo. Nos, hogy ez igy bejott, barkivel fogadok, hogy honapok mulva egy centrista szakertoi part fog alakulni a most felbukkano Fuggetlen Szakertoi Kor tagjaibol, persze ezt meg nem vehetjuk biztosra, hiszen "errol szo sincs". Soha nem fogom elfelej- teni, mikor Pozsgay a Grosz puccs idejen a Parlament folyoso- jan egy fotelben elterulve bofogte a TV Hirado kamerajaba, hogy itt a lenini elvekhez kell visszaterni, mert el vagyunk terve. Kesobb kikersztelkedett kommunista multjabol, ez sem segitett, megirta konnyekre fakaszto bucsulevelet (elolvasas utan rogton a kukaba vagtam) es most itt all egy uj magyar szakertoi garda elen a partalapitas lehetosegevel, bolcsen, megtorve, de uj remennyekkel. A veszharang megkongatasanak okai: - Nem ismerem a tanacskozas resztvevoinek listajat, de lefogadom, hogy tobbseguk a kommunista uj elit fenegyereke mindenfele fokoza- tokkal es disszertaciokkal es persze felsofoku vegzettseggel. - Nem hiszem, hogy ennek az elitnek kielegito lehet a jelenlegi magyarorszagi helyzet, ahol ha mas nem is, de a hatalomvaltas a csucson vegbement. Aktiv koruk ellenere valoszinuleg bizonytalan helyzetet teremt a volt elit szamara az, hogy masok ulnek azokban a szekekben, amik nekik melegedtek. Igy most ujra nagy felelosseget il- lik mutatni a Magyar Nep irant es termeszetesen csinalni kell valamit. A "Szakertoi Kor" valoszinuleg ennek az elitnek ad kozos fedelet. A most bemasolt hir egyebkent kivancsiva tesz: mindenki kepzelje el, ha peldaul lenne egy tabletta, ami mondjuk 24 orara egy kozepkoru, hitehagyott, a hatalombol kikopott es a multjat legszivesebben a WC-n lehuzo neoreformkomcsi ertelmisegive tenne, milyen csodalatos lenne erezni mindazt a felelosse- get, amit ezek az emberek ereznek irantunk, milyen jo lenne erezni azt a tenniakarast, ami egyszeruen nem hagyja a volt elcsapat tagjait pihizni es meg mi minden egyeb klassz dolgot, peldaul az aggodast es tudni azt magaunkrol, hogy a legokosabbak vagyunk. Jo lenne egy ilyen tabletta, bar az igazsagot megvallva csak akkor vennem be, ha a hatasa garantaltan elmulna 24 ora utan. Nem erdemlem en azt meg, hogy ilyen kemeny gerincu, torhetetlen, egyenes tekintetu, oszinte, meg nem alkuvo es becsuletes kommunista legyek csak ugy egy tablettatol, mig masok egy fel eleten at ernek ilyenne. Alljon hat itt a hir. __________________________________________________________________ Magyar szakertok konferenciaja (NSZ) A het vegen ketnapos fuggetlen szakertoi konferenciat tartottak, amelyen szociologusok, vallalkozok, politologusok es a kozelet mas kepviseloi mellett reszt vett Pozsgay Imre es Biro Zoltan is. A tanacskozason jelen levo Fuggetlen Szakertoi Kor feladata a meglevo ismeretek hasznositasaval egy olyan alternativ program elvi alapjainak kidolgozasa, amely kepes a valsagot kezelni, es a kivezeto utat megtalalni. Ez a konferencia egyelore nem politikai mozgalom elinditasat jelenti, partalapitasrol sincs szo. Csupan a tarsadalom ^Lgondjaira keresik a valaszt. Termeszetesen nem kizart, hogy kesobb bejegyzett partkent lepnek nyilvanossag ele - mondta Pozsgay Imre. A tanacskozason megallapitottak, hogy a novekvo elszegenyedes bizonytalansagot szul a tarsadalomban, ez a bizonytalansag egyes retegeket szelsoseges diktaturikus torekveseknek is kiszolgaltathat. A gazdasagpolitikaban soha nem latott programdomping van, azonban ezek fatalisan hasonlitanak egymasra. Nem a programok masolasara van szukseg, hanem egy valoban mukodo gazdasagpolitika kidolgozasara. Ujra kell gondolni az adossagfugges elleni kuzdelem strategiajat, az adossag legalabb reszleges leirattatasanak gazdasagi, penzugyi, es politikai felteteleit. Mint ismeretes Pozsgay Imre Biro Zoltannal egyutt babaskodott az MDF megalakulasanal. Akkor is egy tarsadalmi szervezet letrehozasan munkalkodtak. Biro Zoltan elmondta, hogy most is a kiutkereses gondolata vezerli oket, mert az orszag konnyen katasztrofaba sodrodhat. Az MDF alapitolevelenek gondolatai most sem idegenek toluk, de masok a korulmenyek. Biro szerint az MDF iranyvonala a valasztasok utan tort meg azzal, hogy kormanyzati pozicioba kerultek. Bar Antall Jozseffel nagyon sok dologban kulonboznek, az MDF-bol valo kilepesenek donto oka azok a politikai modszerek, az az iranyitasi gyakorlat, amelyek nem fernek ossze az alapelvekkel. ____________________________________________________________________ Magyarorszagon ma mindenki szabadon alapithat partot, igy csak tisz- telet a szandekert azoknak, akik ilyen dologba fognak. Igy van ez Pozsgai Imre es Biro Zoltan (partalapitasi) kezdemenyezesevel is, a furcsa csak az, hogy mindketten immaron a harmadik partot boldogitanak, illetve ketto eddig nem tetszett. Pontosabban az MSZMP jo lehetett, mert azt tobb evtizedig formalgattak, csiszolgattak mindketten, kilepni nem volt surgos. Talan meg idefer: Oszinten kivanom mindenkinek, hogy aki hatalomra vagyik, kapja is meg azt akkoraban, amekkoraban csak akarja. En a hatalomnak csak az egyik oldalat kostoltam meg gyerekkoromban, mikor a fertozo osztalyon fekud- tem a korhazban. Elviselhetetlen volt a bezartsag, foleg, hogy a kor- terem ablaka elott a fuben egy kerek valami csillogott es en nem tud- tam kimenni megnezni mi az. El tudom kepzelni ugyan azt a kis csillogo bigyot Saddam, Gorbacsov vagy barmelyik "bolcs" partvezer ablaka elott. Ok sem tudnak kimenni erte, noha egyikojuk sem fertozo beteg. Egyebkent az en kis csillogo bigyom egy egyszeru kis kupak volt. Tisztelettel: Boros Laszlo =============================================== Felado : csorna@phyv01.phy.vanderbilt.edu Beerkezett: Thu Mar 28 15:36:28 EST 1991 Temakor : III. Magyar tortenelem - Angol szempont: Horthy Miklos - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - EZ A MASODIK RESZ! AZ ELSO RESZ MEGJELENT FORUM # 180 A hirekben olvastuk, hogy a magyar tengereszek haza fogjak hozni Horthy Miklos hamvait. Szinten olvastuk (Forum #175) Takacsi-Nagy Pal kerdeset: "Hogy ertekelhetjuk Horthy Miklos szerepet ?". Vajon hogy valaszolnak erre a kerdesre a liberalis nyugati demokraciak ? Mivel ezzel a temaval, ugy mint majdnem minden mas temaval kapcsolatban, az 1945-1990-es bolsevista korszakban Magyarorszagon csak a legegbekialtobb hazugsagokat lehetett irni, nyilvanosan mondani, forduljunk a kulfoldhoz egy targyilagosabb szempontert. Az alabbit Prof. Macartney irta. Macartney tobb even keresztul Magyarorszagon elt, jol beszelte a nyelvet, es a haboru alatt a BBC magyar nyelvu adasat kozvetitette. Sok magyar jellegu kerdesben az Encyclopaedia Britannica Macartney munkajara hivatkozik. Persze Macartney kuncsaftjai angolok voltak, ugyhogy az angolok buneit igyekszik takargatni. Szinten, Horthy a haboru alatt ellenseg volt. Mindennek ellenere ajanlom mindenkinek, hogy a konyvet olvassa el: OCTOBER FIFTEENTH, A History of Modern Hungary 1929-1945, by C.A. Macartney, The Edinburgh University Press, 1961. Harom reszben hozom, mert eleg hosszu ez a beszamolo, nem akarok "circuit overload"-ot okozni olvasoimnak, es akarok alkalmat adni, hogy az olvasok tudjanak csamcsogni az anyagon egy kicsit, es ha kedvuk van, hozzaszolni. Az elso resz beszamolt Horthy szemelyes tulajdonsagairol, ez a resz politikai dolgokkal foglalkozik, a harmadik resz pedig sokaknak egy nagy meglepetest fog hozni. Igy szolt Macartney Horthyrol: (A szamok a zarojelben a labjegyzetre utalnak.) ----------------------------- His [ie. Horthy's] position on the Legitimist question was, for once, unusual. His social class, his religion, his childhood's environment, might easily have made of him a dyed-in-the-wool Kuruc; yet some boyhood's fancy for the sea had taken him into a different world, on to waters more spacious than the Tisza, and into a different environment: that of the Imperial and Royal Navy. Later, the calculation of others had brought him into the personal service of the King-Emperor himself as an aide-de-camp to Franz Josef, for whom he conceived a deep and sincere admiration and affection(1). This happened in the easy days when only a very fanatical and narrow patriot with an exceptionally tetchy conscience needed to regard loyalty to the Monarch as incompatible with devotion to Hungary, and vice-versa. Horthy was one of those who achieved the synthesis. While in the Imperial and Royal service he seems to have accepted its ideals and its ideology wholeheartedly enough, and one may well believe, as King Charles himself believed right up to March 1921, that when he accepted the Regency he did so with the sincere intention of holding the fort until his King could return and relieve him. By the spring of 1920 Horthy had already spent nine or ten months in the almost exclusive company of Szeged officers, most of them (and particularly his assistant, Gombos, who certainly had acquired great influence over him) fanatical "Free Electors." They must have felt reasonable confidence in his views on the Habsburg question, or they would not have helped him, as they did, to the Regency (3). He had been Regent another long year in the same company and that of Bethlen, who had by then gone a long way to meet the anti-Legitimists, before King Charles made his first attempt to recover his throne; another eight months before the attempt was repeated. How far he required to wrestle with himself before, on the first occasion, he ordered the Army to obey only him, and on the second authorised the giving of a free hand to Gombos-with the result that the King's train was met with artillery fire-we will not enquire (2). But inevitably, from that moment on, the Legitimists regarded him as their enemy and adopted towards him an attitude of hostility and froideur which a few of them maintained to the last. Naturally, Horthy was then widely identified in the popular mind with the "Szeged" circles, even by contrast with those of Bethlen. And, in fact LABJEGYZET: (1) He had in his study at Kenderes a portrait of Franz Josef painted by himself (incidentally, a surprisingly good piece of work). Montgomery (The Unwilling Satellite, p. 4l) has recorded the pathetic fact that in an emergency Horthy would ask himself how his old master would have behaved. (2) The question discussed fully, in a spirit very hostile to Horthy, in Borovicseny's work. (3) Army detachments surrounded Parliament when Horthy was elected Regent, but it is unlikely that any other candidate would have stood a chance without them. Whatever his attitude towards his crowned King, Horthy certainly did not afterwards want Charles' son on the throne: Doc. G.F.P. C. II, 444 (10th May 1934) show him secretly proposing to Hitler "a settlement of the German-Austrian conflict along German lines", to which Hungary should contribute, in order to prevent a Habsburg restoration in Austria. his special partisans, even his special friends at the time, were drawn almost entirely from the Szeged circle. But what attracted him in these men was probably-besides the flattery which they lavished on him-the military forthrightness of their attitude towards both Bolshevism and revision. He was never truly a "Right Radical-either for good or for ill; he was a Conservative, with a stake in the country. He differed from the Right Radicals on both the great shibboleths of Hungarian politics, the land question and the Jewish question. On the former, he was a complete die- hard. He did not want anyone to starve, and he was not so greatly concerned for his own acres, of which he did not possess so very many (although he would have failed to see what principle of justice could have been invoked to take them away from him); but, as he chose once patiently to explain on the wireless to the people who seemed unable to understand the point, and again, characteristically, in his interview with the Left-wing leaders a few days before his abdication, the idea of giving everybody enough land to live on was absurd anyway, because there was not enough land to go round (in which, as a matter of fact, he was not so far wrong). Complicated calcula- tions on how to get over this difficulty would have been beyond him. He was against the Right Radicals also on the Jewish question. The fact was not easily perceived in the early 1920's, because of his associa- tion with White Terrorist reprisals. But even if he made the common identification of World Bolshevism and World Jewry, it was Bolshevism, not Jewry, that he wanted to wipe out. He had, it is true, no sympathy with the type of Jew whom the Hungarian anti-Semitic Press loved to depict: the skulker, the usurer, the racketeer and the black marketeer. But he was no racialist, freely admitting that there could he, and indeed were, many good Jews who were also good Hungarians. These he regarded as entitled to treatment in accordance with their own conduct, and was prepared to protect them against injustice as vigorously as he had (this was how he saw the counter-revolution) saved Hungary from the evil Jews in 1919. His essential Conservatism was there even in 1919 and it became more strongly marked with every year after 1922. He never, indeed, shook him- self wholly free of the personal associations which dated from the turbulent days, the less so since the Szeged Idea was so strongly represented in the Army, which he regarded with such special trust and affection. But, as time went on, he moved increasingly away from their ideas, partly no doubt helped by the fact that as Legitimism ceased to be a live issue, the aristocrats, except for a few die-hards, got over their prejudices against him, and instead of combating him, tried to influence him. Advancing years, if nothing else, turned him more conservative just as the class which he had originally been alleged to typify (although if he did, it was the old brand, the real "gentry," not their unhappy epigones) was growing more radical. Gombos, his personal favourite, disappointed him, and by the time Imredy came he had neither sympathy nor understanding left for either the good or the bad sides of the younger generation's programme. Their violent anti-Semitism revolted him, their plans for social reform seemed to him subversive and dangerous. So he moved over to what in the curious terminology of Hungarian politics was called the Left and did in fact, as we shall show in due course, come to contain, although not to consist exclusively of what we in England call by that name. It was not, of course, by the quarter where those tents were pitched that Horthy entered the camp, although the effect in practice was not very different. From his point of view what happened was that he became increasingly averse from change, confined himself increasingly to the simple defence of established things. His trusted advisers were by now mostly aristocrats or near-aristocrats, almost all the men of his own genera- tion(1); this made his policy increasingly an old man's policy, with all its inherent defects of inelasticity and imperviousness to change, but also its advantages in those cases where the change advocated would have been for the worse. So it came about that not only for Jews but also for Liberals and even Socialists Horthy's Conservatism became, in the end, their strongest shield and defence, and Horthy's Hungary, which had perpetrated the first pogroms of modern Europe (to exclude Czarist Russia from that term) and established the first thorough-going counter-revolution against the Left, was from 1940 to 1943 almost the Continent's last refuge for Jews and the last country within the orbit of the Axis to allow the existence of a Social Democrat Party; and that precisely in the years when Horthy's personal power was almost absolute. And it was the Right and not the Left which revolted against him at the last. LABJEGYZET: (1) This became very pronounced in the 1940's. 0ne gentleman who had held a very important office in Hungary said to me: "I often had to see Horthy on official business, and he always treated me with the utmost courtesy, but he never took me into his inner circle of advisers, because I was too young." =============================================== Felado : 72600.3046@compuserve.com Beerkezett: Thu Mar 28 17:22:24 EST 1991 Temakor : ...from the margins - media watch IV. - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - A minap a szokasos felmazsa junk mail kozott talaltam a Common Cause nevu "nonprofit, nonpartisan citizens' lobbying organization"-tol egy levelet, amelyben arra szolitanak fel (recycled papiron...), hogy irjam ala a mellekelt nyomtatott peticiot, es kuldjem el az ugyancsak mellekelt, megcimzett boritekban ket kongresszusi kepviselonek. A peticioban alairasommal arra kerem fel oket, hogy vessenek veget a kongresszusi valasztasoknak a lobbik (Political Action Committees, vagy PACs) adomanyaibol valo finanszirozasanak. Nehany adat a levelbol: ITEM: Special-interest PACs gave House and Senate incumbents $120 million for their 1990 campaigns, eight times the $14.9 million PACs gave to challengers. ITEM: Successful candidates for the U.S. Senate in 1990 raised, on average, NEARLY $4 MILLION EACH. That means that to win a Senate seat a candidate had to raise an average of $12,000 per week for six years! (nem csoda, hogy torvenyhozasra nem marad idejuk...) ITEM: Nine out of every 10 House incumbents seeking reelection in 1990 were in financially uncompetitive races - that is, their opponents lacked the resources to run competitive campaigns. The outcome? Despite public anger at what was going on in Washington, an overwhelming 96 percent of the House and Senate incumbents who sought reelection in 1990 won. PAC contributions have built a wall of political money around incumbents that makes them nearly invincible. Congressional elections are being bought and paid for by special interests who are interested in reelecting incumbents and buying influence with them in congress. THE SYSTEM IS RIGGED. Egyik oka, amiert a szenatoroknak es kepviseloknek ennyi penzre van szukseguk egy kampany soran, az a T.V. ido megvetele. Nehany masodperces on-reklam vagy az ellenfel befeketitese a T.V.-n tizezrekbe kerul. Marpedig akinek itt nincs hozzaferese a T.V.-hez, az eleve veszteskent indul. A PAC-ek a kongresszusi emberek lefizetesevel azokat a sajat erdekeik mogott sorakoztatjak fel. A legutobbi nagy botrany a Savings & Loan bankok csodbemenetele volt, ebben az ugyben ot szenator is saros lett. A csod kifizetese 500 milliard dollarba fog kerulni az elkovetkezo harminc ev soran az adofizetoknek. Az utobbi evek leghatasosabb grass-roots szervezodesi formaja egyebkent az ilyen jellegu level kampany volt, mint a Common Cause-e is. Ehhez persze kell egy posta, amelyik ilyen mennyisegu levelet a tobb szaz tonna egyeb junk mail mellett naponta gond nelkul kezbesiteni tud. Na meg persze nehany hektarnyi erdo is... Akit a washingtoni hatalmi jatek nitty-gritty reszletei erdekelnenek, annak ajanlanam a szervezet hasonlo cimu - Common Cause Magazine-jat, amely National Magazine Award dijat is nyert. % A New York-i kiadasu The Guardian (Independent Radical Newsweekly)-t 1948-ban alapitottak. Alapito tagja volt a tavaly elhunyt angol ujsagiro, Cedric Belfrage is, akit a McCarthy korszakban kiutasitottak az orszagbol. O irta errol a korszkrol szerintem az egyik legjobb osszefoglalo konyvet: The American Inquisition 1945-1960 - A Profile of the "McCarthy Era" (Thunder's Mouth Press). A Guardian marc. 13-i szamaban talalhato egy erdekesebb elemzes a 92-es defense budget-rol es a kutatasi koltsegek kapcsolatarol. Idezet a cikkbol. (Gyerekek, itt most rafaragtatok! Szereztem ugyanis kiprobalasra egy kezi scannert hozzavalo OCR szoftverrel, ami azt jelenti, hogy az eddigieknel is hosszabb idezetekkel tudlak gyotorni Benneteket.) Instead of the hoped-for conversion--remember those post-Berlin Wall calls for "beating swords into plowshares"?--the Department of Defense plans to knit the military interests so closely with the civilian sector that the two become inseparable. Militarization of the entire economy is the best insurance against demilitarization. Toward that end, the Pentagon is trying to model itself after Japan's Ministry of International Trade and Industry--the legendary MlTI that coordinates all aspects of research and development in Japanese corporations, including identifying and funding new technologies, helping their diffusion into consumer products and finding export markets. Bush's 1992 defense budget is consistent with this approach. As the administration cuts defense outlays, it adds substantially to funds for scienlific research and development. The changes in the two are related. Research in science and technolugy is the biggest winner in the 1992 budget. After inflation it would receive an 8 percent increase, or $8.4 billion, for a total of $75.6 billion in 1992. By comparison the rest of the budget would rise by only 2.6 percent. This increase in total science and technology funding falls far short of the doubling that the American Association for the Advancement of Science called for last month, but is much more substantial than for any other budget category. WHAT'S IN A NAME? Overall defense spending, on the other hand, would fall to $295 billion, dropping by about $4 billion, or 1.2 percent from the 1991 level. Although the budget does not include the full cost of the war against Iraq (the allies are expected to pay the bill), the Bush team can silence its critics by claiming to propose for the first time since the mid-1970s, an actual year-to-year reduction in military spending. One link between the military and civilian sectors is obvious: Some of what the budget takes out of defense, it adds on to science and technology. About 60 percent of the science budget will be spent on defense-related projects. It is not clear that the Pentagon will directly control this part of the science and technology budget, but it is earmarked for advanced versions of the cruise missile and Stealth bombers. Some of the other priority areas in the science and technology budget clearly overlap with pet Defense Department projects; for instance the $l49 million to build faster computers and fiber optics networks, one of the three priority areas identified in the Pentagon's January 1991 report on "Defense Technology Strategy." Important though militarization of scientific research is, it is not new. At least since the beginning of World War II, scientists have worked on federally funded, war-related projects, and military funding has played a significant role in U.S. academia and industry. By 1960, as much as 80 percent of all the federal research and development budget was being spent on defense-related projects. After a drop in the 1970s, the numbers climbed again fom 48 percent in 1980 to 87 percent in 1989. With its enormous resources and political clout, the Pentagon has been the surrogate industrial policy agency for the past four decades. ...The sharpened trend toward a larger role for the Pentagon in civilian research started with a report, issued two days after Bush's election, by the Defense Science Board, a study group that advises the Pentagon on scientific matters. The 28-member panel, including defense industry stalwarts (like Martin Marietta, Hughes Aircraft, Boeing and Textron), academics and Pentagon officials, was chaired by Robert Fuhrman, chief operating officer of Lockheed Corp. The panel asserted that the dependence on foreign suppliers for critical components of weapon systems had "diminished the credibility of our deterrent" and called upon the president to reverse the "loss of technological leadership to both our allies and adversaries." The Fuhrman report called upon the president to make sure that the Pentagon is more directly involved in shaping the nation's economic policies. It urged him to establish an industrial policy committee chaired by the national security adviser and including Pentagon representatives. The panel also urged the department to support industrial consortiums to explore the frontiers of science and technology, to encourage cooperative research between universities and private firms and to give more freedom to Defense-sponsored labs to transfer technologies to commercial companies. ...'DUAL USE' It is too early to tell how the Gulf war will influence defense research, but it appears that the idea of Pentagon-funded dual use research is here to say. Last year while Congress tightened the belts of almost everyone in the Pentagon, it actually raised the 1991 budget for DARPA by 14 percent, including $75 million for high definition television, $63 million more than the White House had requested. Congress continues to support Sematech with $100 million a year from the Pentagon. Both the defense industry and the Pentagon uphold Sematech, a consortium of 14 electronic companies with the Pentagon represented on its board of technical advisers, as a model for joint ventures. Electronics and high definition television are both closely tied to the civilian economy. Advocates of Defense support for high density television claim that it will increase demand for semiconductors since it needs 40 percent more memory chips than regular television. This investment is thus supposed to increase the profitability of U.S. semiconductor manufacturers. Semiconductors are, of course, at the heart of computers, jet fighters and modern weapons. This logic legitimizes a consumer electronic item as the Pentagon's concern. Dual technology is being promoted as a job-preserving alternative to the peace movement's demand for conversion of weapons facilities to civilian use. But the two represent vastly different political philosophies and visions of the future. Conversion calls for dismantling the war machine and a political and institutional transformation of the society to make it more democratic and humane. Dual use, on the other hand, is designed to harness the human and material resources of the civilian sector for military purposes. Unlike conversion, dual technology does not renounce war. Indeed, Pentagon support of commercial technologies is supposed to improve military preparedness. The most frightening aspect of the increased role of the Pentagon in setting industrial policy, however, is that it enshrines national security as a major criterion for deciding which civilian technologies to support. The goal of improving health and the environment and solving other global human problems will not be sufficient to justify federal support for research and development. % Marcius 26-i hir a gyoztes nyugati frontrol. A Food Research and Action Center ma tette kozze haromeves, tobb millio amerikai csaladdal folytatott felmeresenek eredmenyet. Eszerint ma Amerikaban minden este ot es fel millio tizenket even aluli gyerek megy ehesen aludni. Tovabbi hat millio gyerek van kiteve az ehezes veszelyenek. Ezzel osszesen minden negyedik 12 even aluli amerikai gyerek ehezik vagy az ehezes hataran all. Leirer Laszlo U.I. Posfai Janos valaszlevelerol nem feledkeztem meg, csak a Forum 179-es es 180-as szamait valamilyen oknal fogva nem kaptam meg. Hollosi Jozsit kellett megkernem, hogy kuldje el oket, es csak ma kaptam meg.